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PAPUA
NEW GUINEA RAINFOREST & SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT CAMPAIGN NEWS
Keep
the Current Forest Revenue System in Place
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Forest Networking a Project of Forests.org
http://forests.org/ -- Forest
Conservation Archives
http://forests.org/web/ -- Discuss Forest
Conservation
09/02/00
OVERVIEW
& COMMENTARY
There
have been recent suggestions that Papua New Guinea's timber
industry
deserves tax breaks. It is critically
important to the
future
of Papua New Guinea's rainforests that the current forest
revenue
system remains in place. The revenue
system's relatively
high
tax rates control the size of the industry--with real impacts
upon
regional forest sustainability--by ensuring that it is limited
to
relatively efficient operators; it captures high rents for a
valuable
resource whose harvest has real, significant and widespread
environmental
and social costs; it is a means of controlling an
industry
that has otherwise run roughshod over institutions and
regulations;
and in so doing it allows other types of forest
management
such as community eco-forestry to compete.
The PNG
government
is correct in maintaining the current forest revenue
system. Doing so will require following through on
commitments to
end the
forest industry's dominance of the PNG Forest Board.
g.b.
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RELAYED
TEXT STARTS HERE:
Title: Why the current forest industry revenue
system should not be
reviewed/reformed
Source: The Independent (PNG), Copyright 2000
Date: August 24, 2000
By: ELIM KIANG
Introduction
THIS
article presents an independent research material conducted over
the
last seven years on the forest industry in Papua New Guinea and
argues
why the current forestry revenue regime should not be reviewed
(or
changed). It addresses the international and domestic commercial
(corporate)
and economic issues that have not been addressed by
current
research calling for reforming the existing forestry revenue
regime
dated February 12, 2000 by Dr Colin Hunt of the National
Research
Institute (NRI). The NRI research document only addresses
the
issue of downward price movement and its consequences on the
logging
industry. I discuss these issues in detail below.
The
rationale underlying the current regime or its predecessor
introduced
under the World Bank and International Monetary Fund
(IMF)
sponsored reform program of the 1990s was to rationalise the
forest
industry first, and then undertake reform of the industry. The
only
way forward was to introduce a high rental tax (export tax) on
an
industry that has developed out of control and beyond the ability
of the
PNG government and its resources and technical capability to
properly
monitor and develop the industry on sound economic and
commercial
footing. The high export tax was meant to discipline the
industry
by weeding out inefficient logging operations and the
reforms,
when introduced, would be more successful with a reduced and
manageable
number of loggers in the industry. Therefore, the issue of
high
export tax and subsidisation of domestic processing industry is
international
economics (trade) theoretically correct but empirically
wrong.
I discuss below why this argument could not be supported.
Subsidisation
of Domestic Processing
Taxation
of log exports would lead to a fall in international price
paid on
log export from PNG. The international trade assumption
underlying
this argument is that, the tax imposing country is large,
has the
ability to influence world market prices, and has a large
domestic
processing capacity (or market). This argument does not
hold,
as PNG does not have a significant domestic processing capacity
and
market nor the ability to influence world market prices. In fact
PNG and
resource owners ("landowners") subsidise consuming countries
of Asia
and elsewhere. This is because since the (late) 1980s,
governments
of the Philippines, Thailand, Malaysia and Indonesia have
imposed
trade controls in favour of domestic processing. This has
caused
a reduction in the supply of logs to Japan and other Asian
markets.
Consequently, Japan being the dominant buyer has been able
to use
"market power" ("dominant effect") with an intricate
network
of
trading houses and agents and obtains logs at much lower prices
than
would normally be under competitive conditions.
International
outsourcing of production and subsidization
The
conclusion of the Plaza Accord in New York in 1985, and
subsequent
weakening of the US dollar and the strengthening of Yen,
together
with rising domestic production cost, had forced Japanese
companies
to relocate in other Asian countries as Japanese exports
became
uncompetitive. Japanese log processing companies have also
relocated
in countries such as Thailand, Philippines, Malaysia and
Indonesia.
These are in-transit production countries, and PNG's log
exports
to these countries reflect a combination of outsourcing of
Japanese
production, trade controls discussed above, and supply
reduction
discussed below. Therefore, this indirect log exports to
Japan
through third countries is unaccounted for in PNG's log exports
to
Japan. As Japanese importers largely set pricing, these third
countries
can import PNG logs at even lower prices. The National
Forest
Authority annual price statistics show this. This is another
way
through which PNG is subsidising consuming countries.
Mismatch
between natural tropical log prices and supply reduction
Asia-Pacific
region is the major producer and supplier of tropical
logs.
With dwindling "natural" forest in the Philippines, Thailand,
Malaysia
and Indonesia, combined with environmental concerns, one
would
expect the price of natural logs to increase over time. While
the
substitution effect of softwood imports into consuming countries
may
check on natural tropical log prices, they are not "perfect"
substitutes
of tropical logs. Therefore, the relatively stable prices
especially
over the 1980s and 1990s (except 1992-93 period) represent
a
market anomaly between the reduction in the supply of natural logs
and the
corresponding international prices paid for PNG's log exports
(see
figure 1 below). This in itself encourages rapid exploitation of
PNG's
natural logs at the expense of resource and environmental
sustainability.
Profitability
and Investment
The NRI
research document by Dr Hunt does not make a distinction
between
economic profit and accounting profit. Economic profit is
revenue
less cost plus opportunity cost. Accounting profit is revenue
less
financial cost. It is unclear which measure of profit was
discussed
in the document. If accounting profit as an indicator of
corporate
performance is implied in the document, then it does not
account
for widespread corporate accounting irregularities in the PNG
forest
industry. Inflationary corporate accounting understates
profits
(or generates losses). In addition, widespread inefficiencies
in the
industry add to operating costs. These distort production
costs
of the forest industry while the state loses out on potential
corporate
tax revenues. If inefficiencies could be reduced through
better cost
controls and management practices in the industry, the
logging
companies could increase investments through generation of
retained
earnings.
However,
the issue of profitability and investment in the PNG forest
industry
becomes trickier when a combination of accounting
irregularities
and inefficiency affect industry profitability.
Accounting
irregularities artificially reduce profits or generate
fictitious
(book) losses by inflating operating costs whereas
inefficiency
generates higher operating cost. The accounting and
auditing
profession in PNG is also involved by endorsing corporate
accounting
irregularities, and more particularly for the forest
industry.
The fact that almost all logging companies have been
declaring
losses for many years is a reflection of these factors, and
transfer
pricing in the forest industry. Transfer pricing results in
the
shift in income being the difference between the world market
price
and PNG log export price offshore (see figure 1 below). Table 1
below
show the minimum potential tax revenue losses (GTAX & AGTAX) by
the
state due to these problems. Therefore, as these issues have not
been
addressed by the NRI document I do not see any reason why
current
forest revenue regime should be reviewed. The cost assumption
used in
the NRI research document, is an oversimplification without
adjustments
for questionable accounting practices in the industry.
Equity
and resource ownership
The
equity issue discussed in the NRI research document leaves a lot
to be
desired. The fact is natural resources in PNG are owned by the
resource
owners (the "landowners"), and not the state of PNG (a
fictitious
institution). The overriding objective of the document is
to
maximise tax revenues to the state, while holding landowner
royalty
constant at ten US Dollars. Equity in this context should be
maximisation
of returns to the landowners who are the legitimate
resource
owners while, still ensuring that some revenue flows to the
state.
The purchasing power of the ten-dollar fixed royalty collapses
in
times of very high inflation as has happened in the 1990s, through
the
depreciation of the Kina. Therefore, equity discussion in the
document
centred on the state and logging companies also collapses.
Income
and capital shifting and taxation
Transfer
pricing, the lack of monitoring and surveillance of export
proceeds
of logging companies, and manipulation of the terms of
foreign
currency loans contracted by the logging companies is
resulting
in income being shifted offshore. The lack of comprehensive
export
proceeds monitoring system in PNG combined with transfer
pricing
leads to shifting of income offshore by the logging
companies,
to avoid taxation or for other peculiar commercial
motives.
The manipulation of the terms of foreign currency loans
results
in a series of principal and interest payments which, in
principal,
constitute capital shifting offshore from export proceeds
of PNG
logs. My own research shows that logging companies are
undertaking
income and capital shifting practices. The result is lost
potential
tax revenues (see GTAX & AGTAX,
table 1 below), which
limits
the ability of the government to fund public programs
contributing
to the deteriorating public services in PNG.
The
Forestry Act (1991) and regulatory capture, and government
Credibility
The
regulated could influence policies and regulations to its own
benefit
and significantly erode the "credibility" of the government
or its
implementing agency. This results in outcomes (good/bad) that
deviate
from those originally intended. Currently, the Forest
Industry
Association (FIA) has effectively used this strategy
("regulatory
capture") to its advantage by ensuring that the Forestry
Act
1991 automatically admits the president of the FIA to the
National
Forest Board (NFB). The president of the FIA now has
considerable
influence over the Ministry of Forest and the government
through
his/her representation on the NFB and stalling effective
reform
of the forest industry by the government.
What
should be done to reform the forest industry in PNG?
The NRI
research document only addresses the revenue side of the
equation
and does not address the industry-wide commercial and
economic
reform issues, discussed above. Therefore, the following
options
are worth exploring. First, the current forestry revenue
regime
adequately addresses the objective of market discipline and
forest
industry rationalisation for further industry reforms, and
should
be left intact. Second, transfer pricing monitoring and
surveillance
capability of the tax office needs to be enhanced
through
staff training and education. Third, an export proceeds
monitoring
database should be developed by key government agencies to
monitor
and ensure that all log export proceeds are brought onshore
and
converted to Kina. Fourth, a licensing system should be
introduced
into the accounting profession by licensing practicing
accountants
and accounting firms in PNG. A practicing accountant or
an
accounting firm should be de-licenced and banned from accounting
and
auditing profession in PNG by the courts, if found guilty
endorsing
accounting irregularities. This should ensure strict
compliance
to standard accounting and audit practices, than the
current
weak self-regulation within the profession. Contracting
foreign
professional accounting firms that do not operate
representative
offices in PNG could audit accounting professionals
(or
firms) and the forest industry. The same should apply to
practicing
(commercial) lawyers. Fifth, detailed research into the
forest
resources is needed to determine economies of scale timber
volumes
for allocation of natural timber concessions. The absence of
this
leads to inefficient allocation of time volumes for allocation
of
timber concessions and with the resultant environmental
destruction
and high operating costs of many low volume concessions.
Sixth,
the Forestry Act 1991 should be amended and FIA representation
to the
NFB be eliminated in its entirety. Seventh, a cost database
should
be developed to monitor production costs in the forest
industry
for policy and regulatory purposes. The absence of this
often
leads to forest industry policy prescriptions and
recommendations
based on assumptions, as is the case at present,
rather
than on sound and detailed cost analysis. Eighth, the current
forestry
revenue sharing system be revised so that a larger share of
the
state's forest tax revenues be shifted to the landowners in
addition
to the ten dollar fixed royalty, to address equity concerns
and
reduction of purchasing power of the fixed landowner royalty in
times
of high inflation. This would enable landowners to afford the
necessary
and essential public services that the government has
failed
to deliver due to the public sector inefficiencies draining
and
stretching limited government resources.
The
author of this article is an economist by profession and is
currently
employed by the Bank of PNG. Formerly employed as a
researcher,
he is now a regulator. The article is based on his
independent
research on the forest industry in PNG spanning over
seven
years. Some of his research material had been published at
post-graduate
studies while some of it had been presented at overseas
seminars.
He has a first degree in economics from the University of
PNG;
masters degree in economics from the University of Hawaii; and a
masters
in business administration from the University of Waikato in
New
Zealand.
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TEXT ENDS###
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