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FOREST CONSERVATION NEWS TODAY

Failed Bush Environmental Policy Causes Wildfires

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Forest Networking a Project of Forests.org, Inc.

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  http://www.EnvironmentalSustainability.info/ -- Eco-Portal

  http://www.ClimateArk.org/ -- Climate Change Portal

 

August 13, 2002

OVERVIEW & COMMENTARY by Forests.org

The Bush Administration response to raging forest fires would be

comical if it were not so environmentally dangerous.  Below are a few

articles regarding the fire situation and the ecologically challenged

Bush Presidency.  The first one by Randal O’Toole is truly marvelous. 

He cuts to the chase: the fires are mostly the result of drought

(intensified by climate change, I would add) and dumping money on

putting these fires out is economically and ecologically senseless. 

“The West has always had big fires and it always will... ...Ponderosa

pine forests are ecologically adapted to frequent, low-intensity

fires. But most Western forests, including Douglas fir, lodgepole

pine, spruce, fir and hemlock forests, are adapted to infrequent,

high-intensity fires.”  Look at Yellowstone and many other areas that

had severe fires – the ecosystems have been regenerated and the

natural cycle of renewal is well underway.

 

Policy initiatives from the ecologically challenged Congress and

Toxic Texan essentially is limited to proposing to log the hell out

of America’s forests so they will not burn.  One pending bill allows

24 million acres of federal timberland with high fire potential to be

thinned without going through standard environmental reviews.  In

many cases, “thinning” is proving to be a euphemism for lawless

commercial logging.

 

An ecologically based policy response to surging forest fires that

goes beyond political posturing and has some chance of contributing

to America’s ecological sustainability (which is at stake) would

include: 1) real measures to reduce the risks of climate change and

resultant droughts through massive investment in renewable energy and

emissions reductions, 2) letting forest fires in remote areas burn

and naturally regenerate as they have naturally for eons, 3) limiting

impacts upon structures and people through tighter building codes, 4)

reducing industrial logging and roading, which opens forest edges and

increases fire intensity and frequency.  Large, intact and fully

operable forest ecosystems are a requirement for sustaining America.

 

The Toxic Texan - that is so consumed by security - does not seem to

realize Rome is burning as he diddles.  Global security and the well-

being of humanity are most threatened by imminent and already evident

ecological collapse.  It has been announced President Bush will not

even leave his ranch to go to the Earth Summit in South Africa.  This

man is a disgraceful sham of a leader – a true eco-terrorist.  The

blood of the dying Earth is on his oil soaked hands.

g.b.

 

P.S.  There is much more information on these matters at

http://forests.org/ and the Action Alert to the Toxic Texan at

http://forests.org/emailaction/bush.htm is still relevant.

 

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ITEM #1

Title:  Wildfire in the west

  Culprits: Drought and money

Source:  Denver Post

Date:  August 11 2002

Byline:  Randal O'Toole, perspective

 

Sunday, August 11, 2002 - This year's fierce wildfires have led to

even fiercer political battles over who's to blame. Is it the Forest

Service, which suppressed previous fires it should have let burn? Is

it loggers, who left debris behind after timber sales? Or is it

environmentalists, who delayed and stopped timber sales and other

projects that could reduce fuels?

 

The answer turns out to be none of the above. The hazardous-fuel

crisis is mostly a myth. Drought, not fuel, is the chief culprit

behind big fires in Colorado, Arizona and elsewhere in the West, and

perverse incentives are the main reason why the Forest Service spends

so much money suppressing fires that it should let burn.

 

Forest Service stories about a hazardous fuel crisis convinced

Congress to give the agency a whopping 38 percent, $1.4 billion

increase in its budget last year, mostly for fire-related activities

such as thinning overgrown forests.

 

Hazardous fuels also excuse the Forest Service's big fire-suppression

program, which - if you include activities such as keeping

firefighters on standby - nearly doubled its budget to well over $1.3

billion. Though everyone agrees federal land managers should let more

fires burn, the supposed danger of hazardous fuels gives them a

pretext to fight more than 99.5 percent of all wildfires.

 

I am not claiming there are no fuel problems on federal lands. But

after studying all available data, I can't find any evidence that

fuel build-ups have much to do with recent fires. More acres burned

in 2000 than in any of the previous 40 years, and even more may burn

in 2002. But the average number of acres burned in the last five

years is no greater than the average number burned 40 years ago.

That figure depends mainly on droughts.

 

The number of firefighters killed each year more than doubled, from

about eight per year in the 1950s to nearly 17 per year in the 1990s.

But that was not because of fuels: The average number killed by fire

declined from about six to five a year. Where fatalities increased

was in aircraft and vehicle accidents - increasing from one to six

per year - and heart attacks, which increased from an average of one-

half to five per year. An aging workforce and greater use of aircraft

and vehicles, not fuels, are responsible for increased firefighter

deaths.

 

Firefighting costs have flamed skyward, but for reasons other than

fuels. Besides droughts, there's the growing number of homes in the

"wildland-urban interface" near federal lands. One study says 38

percent of new homes built in the West are in this zone, and the

Forest Service spends extraordinary amounts of money trying to

protect them.

 

But the biggest reason for high firefighting costs is more basic:

Congress gives the Forest Service a blank check to put out fires.

This was also true before 1978, but in the 1980s, Congress tried to

rein in fire costs by giving the Forest Service a fixed amount each

year. Deficits in one year were to be covered by surpluses in the

next.

 

This led the Forest Service to control its costs for nearly a decade.

Then severe fires in 1987 and 1988 forced the agency to borrow

hundreds of millions of dollars from its reforestation fund.

 

Forest Service officials persuaded Congress to reimburse this money

in 1990. The agency is now free to spend as much as it likes on fire

suppression, and Congress always covers the deficits.

 

No wonder firefighters say the Forest Service attacks fires by

dumping money on them. After the great fires of 2000, Congress began

an even greater firestorm of spending on fuel treatments, research,

community assistance and, especially, suppression. Once again, we're

trying to solve a problem by dumping money on it. But it won't work.

Ponderosa pine forests are ecologically adapted to frequent, low-

intensity fires. But most Western forests, including Douglas fir,

lodgepole pine, spruce, fir and hemlock forests, are adapted to

infrequent, high-intensity fires. The West has always had big fires

and it always will.

 

The real problem with fire is the Forest Service's incentive to

spend too much money. Except to protect adjacent private lands,

federal land managers should let fires burn on federal lands. This

will save money, save lives and restore ecosystems.

Randal O'Toole is the senior economist with the Thoreau Institute

and a lifelong resident of Oregon. He is a contributor to Writers on

the Range, a service of High Country News.

 

 

ITEM #2

Title:  Wildfires stoke tensions over conservation policy

Source:  Associated Press

Date:  August 13, 2002

Byline:  MATTHEW DALY, Associated Press

 

WASHINGTON (August 13, 2002 10:24 a.m. EDT) - The spate of wildfires

this summer is inflaming more than just the Western landscape.

Longtime allies are turning into adversaries as the fires stoke

tensions between environmentalists and some normally supportive

Democrats in Congress.

 

Environmentalists who had long sought a bill to protect old-growth

forests in the Pacific Northwest are now vowing to oppose it,

accusing Senate Democrats of undercutting conservation in the name of

wildfire prevention.

 

Republicans and representatives of the timber industry say it is

environmentalists who have a credibility problem. The fires now

raging in the West are helping build public support for more logging

to thin overstocked forests after decades of fire suppression, they

say.

 

Sen. Pete Domenici, R-N.M., and other Western senators are leading an

effort to loosen federal restrictions that have allowed dry tinder to

build up in the national forests, fueling the devastating blazes.

 

"You've got forests that don't look like forests anymore," Domenici

said. "They're totally built up with undergrowth. You try to do

something about it, you're in court - it takes forever. We want to

change that and I think we're going to do it."

 

Among those caught in the shifting political winds is Sen. Ron Wyden,

D-Ore. A longtime friend of the environmental movement, Wyden now

finds himself under attack from it because he's willing to allow

increased logging in some areas to reduce the fire threat in exchange

for GOP support of bill to ban timber harvesting in old-growth

forests in western Oregon.

 

With much of his state on fire, Wyden was under pressure to do

something, said Chris West, vice president of the American Forest

Resource Council, a Portland-based timber group.

 

So Wyden agreed to allowing expedited thinning in dry areas east of

the Cascades to win Republican support for his plan to ban logging in

areas where trees are more than 120 years old. With a Republican-

controlled House and a closely divided Senate such a compromise was

essential for Wyden's old-growth bill to have a chance of becoming

law, West said.

 

Jasmine Minbashian, coordinator of the Northwest Old Growth Campaign,

called Wyden's proposal "somewhat shocking." Conservationists will

not agree to a "divide and conquer approach" that sacrifices eastern

trees in return for protection of older, western trees, she said.

 

Wyden is not alone among Senate Democrats in challenging the

conventional environmentalist line that prohibitions on logging

represent the best forest policy. Senate Majority Leader Tom Daschle

of South Dakota moved quietly last month to exempt some areas of his

home state from environmental constraints on tree cutting.

 

Daschle attached a rider to an emergency spending bill to allow some

logging in areas of South Dakota's Black Hills National Forest. The

measure waives key restrictions on forest thinning and blocks court

challenges by logging opponents - a heresy the environmental movement

fears will spread to forests throughout the West.

 

Republican lawmakers quickly seized on Daschle's measure, calling it

a model for allowing speedy action on thinning other national

forests.

 

Domenici and Republican Sens. Jon Kyl of Arizona and Larry Craig of

Idaho have vowed to introduce legislation that would allow up to 24

million acres of federal timberland with high fire potential to be

thinned without going through standard environmental reviews.

 

"If it can happen in South Dakota it should happen in all of the

West," the three senators said in a statement.

 

Daschle, in a letter last month to Republican lawmakers, defended his

measure, saying it was the product of months of negotiations that

involved all sides, including local chapters of the Sierra Club, The

Wilderness Society and other environmental groups.

 

"If Congress is ever to succeed in resolving the ongoing national

debate over forest management ... it should foster more consensus-

based decision-making like the one that produced the Black Hills

agreement," Daschle wrote.

 

Some environmentalists are not convinced.

 

Measures similar to Daschle's could be used to bypass environmental

laws "and log old-growth forests in the name of fire protection,"

said Joseph Vaile of the Klamath-Siskiyou Wildlands Center in Oregon.

"It's pretty scary."

 

Those fears were exacerbated when Wyden and Sen. Dianne Feinstein, D-

Calif., appeared at an Aug. 1 news conference with Domenici. Wyden

did not speak in favor of the forest-thinning plan, but his presence

- coupled with his proposal for expedited logging east of the

Cascades - was troubling, Vaile said.

 

Wyden declined to be interviewed for this story. But his chief of

staff, Josh Kardon, said his office was "a little surprised that some

of the groups seem to prefer to clear-cut the senator's proposal

instead of selectively thinning what they don't like."

 

"Unless you are willing to compromise," Kardon said, "you are

resigned to sloganeering and accomplishing nothing."

 

 

ITEM #3

Title:  Quiet Raid on Public Lands

Source:  Los Angeles Times

Date:  August 12, 2002

Byline:  EDITORIAL

 

The battle for the environment is never easy. The struggle to clean

the air and water and preserve wild lands for our children and our

children's children was tested in the 1980s by the attacks of

Interior Secretary James G. Watt. Fortunately, public outrage stymied

Watt.

 

But today, from Florida to Alaska, the environment again is under

assault. The Bush administration is undercutting laws and reversing

regulations under the guise of "balance" and of what's good for the

nation. The beneficiary is industry.

 

It's the most concerted exploitation of the public's land, air and

water since fundamental protection laws went into effect three

decades ago.

 

Many worthy initiatives are being junked, including a Clinton

administration decision to halt road building in 59 million acres of

untracked national forest. Corporations itching to tear up federal

lands in the West for their energy and mineral wealth are getting a

sympathetic hearing in the White House.

 

The present reversal is smarter, broader and more threatening than

the Watt actions. Interior Secretary Gale A. Norton, a Watt protege,

extols the parks and wild animals; behind that shield, damage is

taking place.

 

Many Americans are familiar with the administration's quest to drill

for oil on the Arctic plain in Alaska and repeal the snowmobile ban

in Yellowstone. Scores of other rollbacks never make headlines. A

sampling:

 

* A new Environmental Protection Agency rule allows companies to dump

mine waste into rivers and streams.

 

* The Interior Department is pushing to develop oil and gas leases

off the Central California coast and new energy leasing in the Los

Padres National Forest, part of it habitat for the California condor.

 

* The EPA ordered a 16-year delay in enforcing rules to clean

emissions from dirty older electric power plants.

 

* The Interior Department says it will allow drilling of 51,000

methane gas wells in northeast Wyoming, threatening the area's

groundwater supply. Interior also is opening the pristine Rocky

Mountain Front in Montana and the red rock country of Utah to oil

exploration.

 

* The U.S. Forest Service is expanding logging plans in the national

forests and Interior is proposing oil exploration near Florida's

Everglades.

 

The administration also is slashing the regulatory budgets of

agencies such as the EPA. Committed professional staff members have

felt ignored, sometimes driven out. Former energy and logging

industry executives manage the nation's parks and forests.

 

Norton talks of restoring balance between protecting the environment

and the need to develop public resources. But her initiatives, far

from being balanced, are a swing back toward the exploitation that

ravaged the public estate in the 20th century.

 

Congress should be fighting these shadowy dealings, but most members

are preoccupied with national security issues and some are simply

cozy with the energy industry and thus happy with the Bush

administration actions.

 

If Congress continues its passive acceptance of this environmental

reversal, the courts may be the only defense left. Americans should

make their voices heard before it comes to that.

 

*

 

To Take Action: Contact your U.S. representative at (202) 225-3121 or

www.house.gov, or senators, (202) 224-3121, www.senate.gov.

 

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